War Lord (The Last Kingdom Series, Band 13) | Cornwell, Bernard | ISBN: | Kostenloser Versand für alle Bücher mit Versand und Verkauf duch. 15 Jahre Einsatz in AfghanistanWarlords mit westlichem Segen. Von Emran Feroz. Podcast abonnieren. Ein Gebäude, das bei einem Gefecht. Die. Warlords hatten also die Wahl, ob sie mit dem Staat zusammenarbeiten. – was für die meisten vielversprechend war, weil es neue Machtressour- cen zu.
Afghanistans Warlords kehren zurückAbdul Rashid Dostum zählt zu den brutalsten Kriegsherren, die am Hindukusch seit vielen Jahren ihr Unwesen treiben. Jetzt wurde er. Warlords of Erewhon: Jaguar Warriors - Warlords of Erehwon: Ogre Firebreather - Warlord of Erehwon: Armoured Onna-bugeisha - Warlords of Erehwon. 15 Jahre Einsatz in AfghanistanWarlords mit westlichem Segen. Von Emran Feroz. Podcast abonnieren. Ein Gebäude, das bei einem Gefecht.
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Trivia Up to stunt horses were used. Goofs 25 minutes into the movie, the curse word "gou ri de" literally: dog, Japanese, of was used.
The movie takes places in the 19th century, so the expression had not come about yet. Quotes General Pang Qingyun : Remember my face, so you can seek vengeance in the next life.
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Views Read Edit View history. In such decentralized states, particularly those where armed groups challenge national sovereignty , warlords can serve as useful allies of a central government that is unable to establish a monopoly over the use of force within its national territory.
As political scientist Dr. Ariel Hernandez documented, one example is the Philippines , where successive presidential administrations—at least since Ferdinand Marcos secured power in —have "franchised violence to regional warlords" to counter the inroads of communist insurgents , Islamic rebels and organized criminal gangs.
This has led to the formation of at least 93 "Partisan Armed Groups", armed militias loyal to regional warlords who, in exchange for their loyalty and willingness to use their private armies to quell the threats from these opposition groups, are granted a degree of autonomy within designated regions, the exclusive right to use violence and the right "to profit from the 'economy of violence' that they establish in their own areas".
Warlordism in Afghanistan—another state where the central government is unable to extend political, military or bureaucratic control over large swaths of territories outside the capital—functions cooperatively within the framework of the state, at times.
The warlords, with their established militias, are able to maintain a monopoly of violence within certain territories.
They form coalitions with competing warlords and local tribal leaders to present the central government with a challenge, and often the state will bargain to gain access to resources or " rent ", loyalty from the warlord and peace in the region.
In exchange for peaceful coexistence, the warlord coalitions are granted special status and privileges, including the right to maintain de facto political rule within the agreed-upon territory, exert force to retain their monopoly over violence and extract rent and resources.
In the case of Afghanistan, the state-warlord bargaining sometimes extends beyond these informal accords and elevates to the status of political clientelism , in which the warlords are appointed to formal government positions, such as regional governor; a title which provides them political legitimacy.
It has been shown that during the state-warlord bargaining phase, warlords in Afghanistan have a high motivation to prolong war to create political instability, expose weakness of the central state, prompt regional criticism against the government and continue economic extraction.
In his study of warlordism in Georgia and Tajikistan , political scientist Jesse Driscoll emphasizes how the collapse of the Soviet Union precipitated the entification of militant, independence-seeking nationalist movements within the republics —particularly within the Central Asian and Caucasus regions—resulting in armed conflict and civil war.
Many strongmen warlords had previously served in the Soviet military , police units or intelligence services and had experience operating within highly organized bureaucracies.
These warlords formed well-structured militias that not only established political and economic control over territories, but institutionalized bureaucracies to establish and maintain their monopolies over violence and rent and "incentivizing the behavior of citizens within a particular geographical space".
A truce was reached without any disarmament of militias; instead, the warlord coalitions reached a non-violent "order producing equilibrium",  and eventually agreed upon a warlord-friendly civilian figurehead to assume head-of-state duties to demonstrate the legitimacy as a sovereign state to the rest of the world.
This opened up Georgia and Tajikistan as states eligible to receive international aid , which thereafter became a major source of " rent " for the warlords, providing them with resources to increase their power and influence over these societies.
As Driscoll observed, the "warlords colluded to create a state". One political theory, pioneered by American economist Mancur Olson , posits that warlords can function as stationary bandits.
In some African states, warlord politics can be a product of endowment-rich, extractable resources. Some nations, including Liberia and Sierra Leone, have had stationary bandits who use extraction of resources such as diamonds, cobalt and timber " conflict resources " in order to increase their political power.
They often enforce their right to these resources by claiming to be protecting the people. The result is a political system in which a dominant coalition of warlords strips and distributes valuable assets in exchange for bureaucratic services and security from foreign firms.
Stationary bandits can amass power because of their economic connections with foreign firms. Oftentimes warlords will exert violence on a particular region in order to gain control.
Once in control, these warlords can expropriate the property or resources from the people and land and redistribute the riches in exchange for monetary value.
When people live in a particular region dominated by a warlord, they can choose to flee or live within the political structure the warlords have created.
If the warlords provide protection against external threats of violence, the people will be likely to stay and continue living and working in that region, even though they are being extorted.
The trade-off becomes protection for extraction, and this political framework is common in periphery regions of countries which do not have a strong central government.
Modern-day Afghanistan is a multiethnic, multilingual country inhabited by distinct and often competing tribal societies, with its national borders were defined only following the Treaty of Rawalpindi of , signed between the United Kingdom and the Emirate of Afghanistan.
Afghanistan briefly was a democratic state until a coup , which resulted in the April Revolution of Historically, power in Afghanistan has been decentralized and governance delegated locally to ethnic tribal leadership.
Tribal leaders often act as local warlords, representing either a tribal confederacy, a tribal kinship group or a smaller tribal lineage grouping, and are expected to provide security , justice and social services to their respective "constituencies".
The Durand Line , which forms the border between modern-day Pakistan and Afghanistan, has proved a source of contention in Afghanistan and a source of challenge for the tribal authorities of Afghanistan.
The line, which was negotiated between British diplomat and civil servant Mortimer Durand and Afghan Emir Abdur Khan , was a political boundary drawn in which clearly defined and demarcated the border between Afghanistan and the British Raj.
Afghanistan unilaterally disputes the legitimacy of the border. The partitioning of their tribal lands is viewed by Pashtun leaders as a threat to their dominance within Afghanistan, emboldening rival ethnic tribes, and has provoked cross-border tensions between Afghanistan and Pakistan.
Although the United States and its coalition allies have expended a considerable amount of time, effort and resources attempting to foment the centralization of government and consolidation of power in the state with its seat of power in Kabul ,     tribal warlords continue to maintain political influence and power throughout the country outside of Kabul.
While most warlords have power vested in them through traditional tribal customs, some hold formal regional government positions, but in both cases cooperation with the central government remains voluntary and reliant on incentives.
Warlordism was widespread in Civil War-era Russia — Many territories were not under the control of either the Red government in Petrograd later in Moscow or the White governments in Omsk and Rostov.
These territories were controlled by warlords of various political colors. The Cossack ataman Semyonov held territories in the Transbaikalia region, and the Bloody Baron Ungern von Sternberg was the dictator of Mongolia for a short time.